Witchcraft in Salem, fear drove to action.
Therefore we can conclude that witchcraft drove people in fear to do things that put innocent people at risk of getting killed.
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Explanation:
Fear drove action, because instead of acting in a just way which they would regualry do in a court trial, they acted unreasonably because they were scared. Many people died simply because they were scared that they were witches. Their fear drove them to the action of killing many inncoent people.
Jacob Riis (1849–1914) ... In 1890, Riis published his most famous work, How the Other Half Lives, a book that used revealing photojournalism and detailed analysis of the housing problems afflicting poor immigrants to argue in favor of reforming New York's tenements.
In 907 the Tang dynasty was ended when Zhu Wen, now a military governor, deposed the last emperor of Tang, Emperor Ai of Tang, and took the throne for himself (known posthumously as Emperor Taizu of Later Liang). He established the Later Liang, which inaugurated the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period.
The 14th Amendment granted citizenship and equal civil and legal rights to African Americans and slaves who had been emancipated after the American Civil War, including them under the umbrella phrase.
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Answer:
C. It granted civil rights to African Americans.
Explanation:
Answer:
Explanation:
FDR's mandate as a first-term President was clear and challenging: rescue the United States from the throes of its worst depression in history. Economic conditions had deteriorated in the four months between FDR's election and his inauguration. Unemployment grew to over twenty-five percent of the nation's workforce, with more than twelve million Americans out of work. A new wave of bank failures hit in February 1933. Upon accepting the Democratic nomination, FDR had promised a "New Deal" to help America out of the Depression, though the meaning of that program was far from clear.
In trying to make sense of FDR's domestic policies, historians and political scientists have referred to a "First New Deal," which lasted from 1933 to 1935, and a "Second New Deal," which stretched from 1935 to 1938. (Some scholars believe that a "Third New Deal" began in 1937 but never took root; the descriptor, likewise, has never gained significant currency.) These terms, it should be remembered, are the creations of scholars trying to impose order and organization on the Roosevelt administration's often chaotic, confusing, and contradictory attempts to combat the depression; Roosevelt himself never used them. The idea of a "first "and "second" New Deal is useful insofar as it reflects important shifts in the Roosevelt administration's approach to the nation's economic and social woes. But the boundaries between the first and second New Deals should be viewed as porous rather than concrete. In other words, significant continuities existed between the first and second New Deals that should not be overlooked.
One thing is clear: the New Deal was, and remains, difficult to categorize. Even a member of FDR's administration, the committed New Dealer Alvin Hansen, admitted in 1940 that "I really do not know what the basic principle of the New Deal is." Part of this mystery came from the President himself, whose political sensibilities were difficult to measure. Roosevelt certainly believed in the premises of American capitalism, but he also saw that American capitalism circa 1932 required reform in order to survive. How much, and what kind of, reform was still up in the air. Upon entering the Oval Office, FDR was neither a die-hard liberal nor a conservative, and the policies he enacted during his first term sometimes reflected contradictory ideological sources.
This ideological and political incoherence shrank in significance however, next to what former Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes described as a "first class temperament," exemplified by the President's optimism, self-confidence, pragmatism, and flexibility. Above all, FDR was an optimist, offering hope to millions of Americans who had none. His extreme self-confidence buoyed an American public unsure of the future or even present course. This intoxicating mix made FDR appear the paragon of leadership, a father-figure who reassured a desperate nation in his inaugural address that "the only thing we have to fear is fear itself." FDR also brought to the White House a pragmatic approach to governance. He claimed he would try something to end the depression, and if it worked he would move on to the next problem. If it failed, he would assess the failure and try something else.